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The Review

Understand the big ideas and provocative arguments shaping the academy. Delivered on Mondays. To read this newsletter as soon as it sends, sign up to receive it in your email inbox.

November 25, 2024
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From: Len Gutkin

Subject: The Review: Post-election analysis: Whither academic freedom now?

The next four years will see intensified government scrutiny of higher education. What will that mean for academic freedom? That depends on what you consider academic freedom to comprise. When it comes to undergraduate admissions, colleges will probably become more careful to comply with

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The next four years will see intensified government scrutiny of higher education. What will that mean for academic freedom? That depends on what you consider academic freedom to comprise. When it comes to undergraduate admissions, colleges will probably become more careful to comply with SFFA vs. Harvard’s ban on affirmative action. As Stacy Hawkins wrote recently in our pages, that would impose a limit on colleges’ ability to decide whom to admit, which the Supreme Court listed as a component of academic freedom in 1957. The use of identity as a decisive factor in faculty hiring — an open secret for years, as Michael Clune and Gregory Conti have both discussed in our pages — will likely be curbed in the face of more vigorously applied antidiscrimination law. That will constrain one area of faculty action, though there is hardly any consensus that such preferential hiring falls under the umbrella of academic freedom. Then there’s the question of legislation banning diversity, equity, and inclusion trainings and other diversity efforts, like the use of diversity statements in hiring and promotion. Some groups, including the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), consider that such legislation threatens academic freedom; others, including the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, find DEI programs themselves to be a threat to academic freedom.

All of these areas, it seems to me, are at best ambiguously related to academic freedom’s main concerns: the freedom of research, the freedom of choice when it comes to what to teach (and what to learn), and the freedom, for both faculty members and students, to speak extramurally — as citizens — about the matters of the day. But one prong of ramped-up scrutiny touches academic freedom’s core. That’s the use of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act to punish politically disfavored speech by claiming that such speech is discriminatory.

I discussed one such case last summer: the suspension and investigation of the political scientist Jodi Dean by her employer, Hobart and William Smith Colleges, over a blog post she’d written endorsing Hamas’s tactics. Here’s what I wrote then:

This militant position is, of course, open to criticism on all sorts of grounds. But it is exactly the kind of controversial position-taking academic freedom is meant to protect. In a healthy academic environment, Dean would have been robustly debated. Instead, she was removed from the classroom, excoriated by her institution’s president, and investigated for violations of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, religion, and national origin. As of July 11, she has been cleared of all charges and reinstated.

Dean’s case is given a prominent place in an informative article by Alex Kane published this month in Jewish Currents, where it joins a litany of crackdowns on political speech hostile to Israel. Barnard College’s president, Laura Rosenbury, pressured a professor not to show the film Israelism; Rosenbury was afraid of triggering an investigation by the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights (OCR). The OCR investigated Lafayette College in part over student activists’ use of the phrase “from the river to the sea"; without ruling on whether that phrase contributed to a hostile environment, they concluded that Lafayette needs to bulk up its antidiscrimination training. A case at North Carolina State University seems to have involved genuine instances of antisemitic harassment, but the university’s resolution to formally adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s definition of antisemitism, which controversially conflates antisemitism and anti-Zionism, is difficult to square with academic freedom.

Whether and when anti-Zionism is a kind of antisemitism is pretty plainly the kind of complex question college campuses should make space for. As the University of Chicago law professor Genevieve Lakier told Kane, the ED’s broad and aggressive application of Title VI risks turning “political disagreements — about whether Israel is a colonial oppressor, or whether what’s happening right now is genocide — into questions of discrimination and harassment. These risk-averse university administrators, who do not want to get in trouble in any way, or lose donor funding, or get bad publicity, are going to think that the easiest way of avoiding a bad outcome is to repress speech that somebody says violates Title VI.”

What exactly are government officials telling college administrators? Does the ED’s pressure over supposedly antisemitic speech exceed its mandate? How does its OCR reconcile its approach to Title VI with the requirements of the First Amendment? As our J. Brian Charles has reported, the ED has refused to honor two Freedom of Information Act requests from the free-speech advocacy group the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University, denying one and ignoring the other. The Knight Institute has since sued.

Read Alex Kane’s “The Civil Rights Law Shutting Down Pro-Palestine Speech.”

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Write to me at len.gutkin@chronicle.com.

Yours,

Len Gutkin

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