The students who took to Hong Kong’s streets in the fall of 2014 were equal parts angry, hopeful, and innocent. For almost three months they and other pro-democracy activists blocked traffic, camped out on roads, and pressed Beijing for free and fair elections.
From the start, students played a key role. In September, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, a coalition of university student unions, and Scholarism, a group founded by high-school students, held a weeklong student strike that led to a tense standoff with authorities at Civic Square, outside the Hong Kong government’s headquarters. After the police used tough tactics to break up the crowd, the protests grew as many Hong Kong residents expressed shock at the violent crackdown. At its peak, more than 100,000 people joined the demonstration, which became known as the Umbrella Revolution for the umbrellas activists used to ward off tear gas.
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The students who took to Hong Kong’s streets in the fall of 2014 were equal parts angry, hopeful, and innocent. For almost three months they and other pro-democracy activists blocked traffic, camped out on roads, and pressed Beijing for free and fair elections.
From the start, students played a key role. In September, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, a coalition of university student unions, and Scholarism, a group founded by high-school students, held a weeklong student strike that led to a tense standoff with authorities at Civic Square, outside the Hong Kong government’s headquarters. After the police used tough tactics to break up the crowd, the protests grew as many Hong Kong residents expressed shock at the violent crackdown. At its peak, more than 100,000 people joined the demonstration, which became known as the Umbrella Revolution for the umbrellas activists used to ward off tear gas.
The movement captured the world’s attention, yet its victories were mostly symbolic. Ultimately, Hong Kong and China’s leaders did not budge. In early December, after several students went on hunger strikes and police made a final round of arrests, the movement was over.
These are the portraits of 10 students and the stories, in their own words, of why they fought for political change and a better future.
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Prince Wong, 18
Photographed in her dorm room at Lingnan U.
My parents told me about Tiananmen when I was very young, like 7 or 8 years old. Every June 4 they went to the Tiananmen memorial, and I started going when I was 14. I read the news; I cared about society. I joined Scholarism in 2013 after I saw their stand against the Chinese “national education” curriculum that would brainwash us about how great the Communist Party is. They made me realize that even as a secondary-school student, I could speak out my opinion to the government.
When the police used the tear gas, I was wearing plastic safety goggles and a yellow construction helmet. I didn’t get gassed, but I was nearby. I felt angry and helpless. Now when I see the police, I get alert, like an animal about to run away. I know not all of them participated in beating us up, but they all still work for the government. They know what they are doing. My hunger strike (at the end of the movement, in December) lasted 118 hours. I wasn’t the Scholarism spokesperson then, and that was the first time for me to face the media. But I knew what our aim was, to get the government to open communication with the students, so I didn’t think about the pressure too much. Around the third and fourth days, I was very dizzy and I really wanted to eat. When I was looking at Facebook and saw a picture of some spaghetti, I had to close down my phone immediately.
At the end, the government did not talk to us. On the last day, they took me to the hospital, where I had to stay for a couple of days. I think my body was affected by this — it is easier for me to get ill now. Before the strike I weighed 45 kilograms, and now I weigh 38 kilograms [84 pounds].
My parents strongly objected to my hunger strike. That was the first time I felt they were really against my participation in the movement. After I was released from the hospital, I came home and we had a long talk, including some arguments. And I apologized.
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I am now a spokesperson for Scholarism. I spend about three hours a day of study and class, about three hours a week practicing trombone for orchestra, and the rest of the time thinking about what Scholarism can do, from the moment I wake up. I haven’t declared a major, but it will be in the arts because I don’t want to spend the whole day talking about politics.
Shirley Yeung, 18
Photographed at the U. of Hong Kong campus, calling for students to attend an assembly in support of academic autonomy.
I am trying to make students pay attention to Chinese political censorship at HKU. The government is weakening us by controlling the appointments of our chancellors. Next time it could be a professor. I’m afraid when I turn in my assignments they will be judged on their political aspects instead of my creative ideas. HKU will become the same as any university in China. Mainland students here wonder why Hong Kong people are so enthusiastic to talk about democracy. They think it is really silly.
The Umbrella Movement was the first time I engaged in active civil disobedience. Before I just wrote articles on Facebook to tell others that the government is trying to deprive us of our freedoms. For the movement I stayed at the camps until 11 every night, and then went back home to go to high school in the morning.
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The campaign was too peaceful, wasting time on pointless activities like folding origami and singing songs. We should have been more radical and really disrupted the financial district. We should have occupied the banks and shut down the big companies that have partnerships with China.
When I was 16, I went on a five-day exchange program to Beijing, sponsored by the central government. The trip only showed us the bright side of China: cultural heritage, economic development, and rich, civilized people. A high official met us and told us to love China. He told us that the electoral process should be under their direction, and that this was true democracy with no corruption. We just nodded our heads. It was totally ridiculous.
Wong Ching Fung, 21
Photographed on the campus of the Chinese U. of Hong Kong.
As a kid, I was interested only in Pokemon cards and video games. But I grew up in a poor family, so I still saw the problems of Hong Kong’s wealth gap, worker rights, and farmers being forced to leave their land. Getting older, I wanted to know how I could change the world, but had no direction about what to do. When I entered Hong Kong Community College, I had intended to study psychology, but at the time my English was too poor, so I studied sociology instead. And I loved it. I read Karl Marx, Michel Foucault, and David Harvey. I had many conversations, which gave me insight on why we have to participate in society. So I started out working with local groups about land rights, then was an intern at a labor union.
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In 2014, right after I came to Chinese University, the movement started. I camped in the Causeway Bay occupation zone, where I helped organize the mobile democracy classroom. We had a microphone system, and invited speakers to lecture on a variety of fundamental topics, like justice and land movement. I helped man our booth on the road until the police came and cleared us away.
The Umbrella Movement pushed me to have more participation in society. We have to create hope in places where there is none. If it was easy, there would be no need. So in 2015 I decided to run for student union, ending up becoming president. It was partially because of democracy, but also other issues — I wanted to organize students to help workers and help themselves.
In the future, I will probably work in politics or academia. It doesn’t bother me that I might not be able to travel to China because I’m an activist.
I am Hong Kong. I will not leave. I am responsible for making change.
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Nathan Law, 22
The secretary general of the Hong Kong Federation of Students was photographed in the federation’s offices with supplies left over from the occupied areas.
I was arrested last year and this August have been charged with two crimes — obstructing a police officer and inciting unlawful assembly. The first instance I was burning [a government document on Beijing’s authority over Hong Kong] outside the Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government, and the police tried to stop us. The second was the night of September 26, when I was the emcee for a rally that ended the student strike with a march to re-occupy nearby Civic Square in front of government HQ.
When we tried to retake the square around 10 p.m., I stood on the rally stage with a microphone: calling for support, for people to bring friends, call lawyers, telling them to write the phone number of legal aid on their bodies with a pen in case they got arrested. Around 2 a.m., a number of plainclothes police rushed me and held me down. They were immediately surrounded by the people at the rally, but called for backup and forcefully pulled me out from the crowd and put me in a police car.
For me, activism began when I was a debate student in secondary school. We discussed lots of social problems. When I got to university, I saw that we students have so many resources and privileges, and thought we should use them to make society better. So I ran for election to the student union.
I started attending Tiananmen memorials when I was 18 years old. It was enlightening to me about how terrible dictatorship is. Those students who were killed carried the same thoughts and values as me.
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On September 28, that was one moment I believed the movement could be a success. The idea of occupying Central was a gamble. We were stopping traffic and putting pressure on the Hong Kong government. But then I knew it was doomed, like a game of chess where they have 10 queens and we have one pawn. We did it not because we see the hope, we did it because if we don’t do it now, we will never have success. Over history, democratic movements always take a long time, while a dictatorship always eventually leads to a corrupted, unequal, and unstable society. Because of my activism last year, I took just a few credits and basically lost a half year of school. My trial date is October 30.
Stella Li, 24
The recent graduate from Hong Kong Baptist U. was photographed at a Mong Kok cellphone shop where the owner let students and other activists charge their phones for free.
On September 26, at Civic Square, I stood back, behind the others. I was so afraid. But when I saw the secondary-school students defending themselves against the police with just their hands and bodies — they didn’t even have umbrellas then — that gave me courage to fight for my beliefs.
After that I stayed for many days in the occupation area. During the first week, it felt the most dangerous, because nobody knew what was going to happen from hour to hour. I stayed at night because most sudden confrontations with the police happened at night and I wanted to see it firsthand. Later, I joined with three other sociology students to research the impact of the situation for the whole neighborhood, not just the occupation, but the shops and the older people.
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I had hope, especially when the international media started paying attention. But it is ridiculous that people from other countries care more about Hong Kong democracy than our own people do. I felt really shocked and sad. I realized there is a deep gap between the movement activists and the rest of the community. Most Hong Kongers have still not woken up.
Eddie Ng, 21
A student at the City U. of Hong Kong, he was photographed outside the fence he tried to scale near the government headquarters.
I became an activist in 2012 to fight against “national education.” I didn’t want the pro-China curriculum to brainwash my little brother into thinking that the Communist Party was a progressive, humanist organization, not mentioning their cold-hearted behavior at Tiananmen Square. Our efforts were successful. But the 2014 occupation was more difficult and complex. School is directly relevant to parents with children, while voting is more conceptual.
The night of September 26 was the end of the student strike, and we wanted to re-take Civic Square. We thought it was going to be a piece of cake. First I tried to climb the fence, then I rushed in through the gate. It was a mess. My glasses got smashed. I ran in and sat down between the flags in the middle with about 120 others. The police surrounded us. That all happened in 10 minutes. I was very nervous, and I cried. I hadn’t told my parents I was going to be there. I thought we were going to be arrested, but at the end the police allowed us to leave.
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Over the weeks, I learned how to demonstrate better. When they use tear gas, back off quickly, but don’t run or yell. Don’t touch your eyes or mouth, don’t breathe deeply. Make roadblocks in triangular patterns because they are harder to charge. Facing the police, use your arms to protect your head and the important places on your body. Don’t try to fight because they have weapons. But don’t just stand there — stay out of range, except for the situations where we want to get beaten or arrested to show our determination.
I also got better at public speaking. We had sharing talks every night with lots of information. Most Hong Kong people don’t read the news. They say they are neutral to avoid having a standpoint. This is not healthy in any country. I had the microphone and would talk about the need for the occupation and the problems with the government, but I also encouraged people to share their points of view about many different things.
The movement failed, but my political views have not changed. If there is another chance, I will join. One hundred percent.
Fish Tang, 21
A student at Hong Kong Baptist U., she was photographed on Nathan Road in Mong Kok, where she slept during the nights of the Umbrella Revolution.
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I consider myself a Hong Konger instead of a Chinese. I joined the movement fighting only for myself and my opinions.
The movement was the first time ever I took part in a protest. It made me a braver person. I slept on the streets for three months. I didn’t stay in one place, but moved between the different occupation areas — Mong Kok, Admiralty, Causeway Bay.
During my semester breaks, I enjoy traveling alone, backpacking around Southeast Asia. In Myanmar, I saw some hope for getting freedom and democracy, although there is a long, long way to go. In human rights, they are starting from zero, so their situation is getting better. But for Hong Kong, our situation is getting worse.
In the beginning of the movement, we were all fighting for the same things, but later we separated into smaller groups with different targets. This time we failed. But more people know about it now. I still carry yellow things because I want to remind people that we still have something to fight for.
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Jeff Leung, 21
The Hong Kong Baptist U. student was photographed in his neighborhood library and study hall.
My parents took me to my first protest in 2004, when I was 9 years old, also fighting for universal suffrage. In 2013, I ran for student committee for my department because I had spent the summer volunteering with a charity NGO in Brazil and wanted to organize an academic week about South America-Asia relations at the university. I never anticipated my election would lead to involvement in the movement.
Our professors didn’t require us to request time off to attend the demonstrations; they just encouraged us. Our aim was to put pressure on Beijing via the world media, and we succeeded. In the beginning I thought there was hope. When the government criticizes you, you know you are doing the right thing. But the Chinese government was too stubborn to do anything.
Some people just want to live quietly. They say, “This is just how it is.” As long as they survive, they are happy. But during the movement, some small-restaurant owners gave us meals. Once, when we went looking for supplies, an old auntie took us to the supermarket and paid for everything. The store staff told us, “You guys are really brave — we wish we could do what you are doing.”
The older generations here have a refugee’s mentality. They came from somewhere else, and treat Hong Kong as a temporary shelter. If they can afford to go somewhere else, they will. But we were born here. This is our home. This is why we are willing to speak out for Hong Kong.
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I am inspired by the love of my city. Even though we didn’t succeed, we are now awake. We are still the most important financial center in Chinese territory, but nowadays, Hong Kongese feel like second-class citizens to the Chinese. I have friends who have left because we are running out of rule of law. But I will stay in Hong Kong to remain a voice of opposition.
Edward Leung, 24
Photographed in a U. of Hong Kong classroom wearing the gear he wore when confronting the police.
I am now a member of Hong Kong Indigenous. I am one of just a couple students in this organization of 30 core members. We were formed in January by young people born in the 90s. We believe the older democratic groups don’t put enough pressure on the government. They follow the peaceful movement of Martin Luther King. We follow Malcolm X — “by any means necessary.”
I did not plan to be an activist. Originally I had an internship with a small marketing company. I gave up this work because they were doing movie promotions in China, and I was not sure I would be able to travel there.
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If we want real universal suffrage, we need a more radical way. We can’t care about our lives, if we really want to achieve our goal. If we need to raise awareness or promote an issue, a march is fine. If we need pressure, then we start confrontation, like occupying the legislature. If the police use violence — pepper spray, batons — we must fight back.
In the movement, I was a peaceful protester until November 30. It was one of the last actions by the HKFS, calling for the protesters to block the government HQ exits. We were beaten up. Two classmates were arrested. Three more were injured. I saw blood on their faces because the police were swinging at their heads. My first reaction was hate.
There is a Chinese saying: “using force to control violence.” After what I witnessed on November 30, I changed my ideology. Civil disobedience is too weak versus violence. In order to stop the violence we must be more forceful. We need the police to recognize we are radical protesters who will fight back.
Preston Cheung, 19
Photographed on the U. of Hong Kong campus.
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When I was 16, my friends and I opposed the “national education” plan to introduce Communist Party-biased teaching materials into our compulsory education. It polluted our core values, so we organized a petition against it at our high school. After we got over 500 student signatures, our principal announced they would not implement the program. I felt a bit relieved but not delighted because the government could just try again in five years.
During the student strike, my role with HKFS was to keep our people calm when we were protesting next to government HQ. Pro-Beijing groups used foul language and shouted — “Go study like you are supposed to! Don’t break down the social order!” I told the students not to fight or shout back. I said, “Let’s not get arrested for that kind of nonsense. Don’t forget our goal.”
In the beginning, we students were the majority of the movement. After the tear gas, things got more complicated as different groups joined the movement. They had many independent activities — book meetings, concerts, lectures. The good side was that with more people we could occupy more area. There were banners and sculptures — lots of creativity. The bad side was that with all the hotpot parties and barbecues, it was as if they had forgotten the whole purpose, and just wanted to have fun.
Through October, I would stay in the camps for a couple of days, then back to the residential hall for a shower. In November I started going to class again. I was happy to see HKU not damaged by the different events, but depressed to see my classmates acting if nothing was going on. One of my political courses was “Protest, Rebellions, and Revolutions in Modern China Since 1840.” During the tutorial session, the tutor asked if we thought it was right to occupy the street. Some students, including those from the mainland, said it was wrong for disrupting the economy and hurting Hong Kong’s reputation. I argued the struggle for democracy would benefit us in the long term, that the only way to have justice and equality is a popularly elected government.
I was elected to the Student Union council in 2014 but may not run this year. I need to take a break from the chaos and pressure, concentrate on my schoolwork, and build my knowledge as a weapon for the future.